This publishing project is dedicated to Henri H. Stahl (1901–1991), one of the few thinkers of Marxist orientation in interwar Romania and one of the most well-known collaborators of Dimitrie Gusti, who is considered the founder of Romanian sociology. A multidimensional intellectual, with interests in the fields of sociology, ethnography, cultural anthropology, and social history, born into a family of Alsatian-Swiss origin that was nevertheless perfectly integrated into the pre-communist cultural world of Bucharest, H.H. Stahl saw his career interrupted after 1948 due to the marginalizing of sociological research under communism. As he himself put it: “We all came to the conclusion that the Romanian school of sociology, or, as I have come to call it more recently, the school of Romanian sociology, was assassinated. It didn’t die of natural causes. Our careers were cut short.” Based on interviews carried out by Zoltán Rostás with H.H. Stahl in the 1980s, this project has special importance precisely because it recovers the memory of the discipline of sociology in interwar Romania. How great were the changes in the discipline after the coming of communism to power may be deduced from the following evaluation made by H.H. Stahl: “Well, everyone knew that they wouldn’t succeed through their intellectual qualities, but through the political, administrative positions that they could obtain. The ones who were better regarded were those with social activity. Very few who were book people, who were devoted to learning. […] Especially because there was a time when there was such a great lack of people who could be used, confidently, by the Party, that they appealed to whoever could be found. So, two sorts of people enrolled: plain crooks, placemen, without any kind of faith, who were made use of in that period, and a whole series of very good chaps, who realized that they couldn’t work effectively, do their job, if they didn’t also have Party activity, who believed in communism, really believed.”
In carrying out this project, Zoltán Rostás did not intend to say: “the truth at last,” but to “introduce the experiment in cultural history, specifically in the history of sociology, in the hope of discovering some hidden mechanisms of creation” (Rostás 2000, 5). Behind this book lie some dozens of hours of recordings, according to the methodology of oral history, extending over a period of three years (1985–1987). The discussions between the two interlocutors lasted, on average, 90 minutes. “I remember that after an hour had passed, or an hour and a half, Mr Stahl’s wife would come to us and signal that her husband was already tired. That wasn’t at all the case: he would have liked to have continued. But Mrs Stahl was extraordinarily protective with her husband,” recalls Zoltán Rostás. Some discussions, he also recalls, ended independently of the wishes of the people in the Stahl family home: the electric power was cut, and did not come back until the next day, a commonly encountered situation in Romania in the 1980s. The audio version of these interviews can be found on a series of tapes in the private collection of Zoltán Rostás. The book that resulted from these interviews, Monografia ca utopie: Interviuri cu Henri H. Stahl¸ is the book with the greatest public impact out of all those published to date by Zoltán Rostás. Published in 2000, the volume can be found in the libraries of relevant faculties in Romania and is one of those most frequently requested by readers. “In the end, this volume is the first evidence of the fact that a project undertaken as a hobby, thus without official support and academic assistance – indeed without prospects of publication – could be carried out in the direction not of an ‘objective history’ but of an alternative history of the Sociological School of Bucharest” (Rostás 2000, 7).











The digital collection of the Oral History Center contains more than 2000 interviews with twentieth-century witnesses, which are divided into different themes and topics, thus presenting a unique collection of professionally created interviews and memories, many of which are related to the theme of cultural opposition.











From early 2000 the Institute of National Remembrance started to acquire documents from the archives of The Ministry of the Interior and Administration (Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracji), the Internal Security Agency (ABW – Agencja Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego), Office for State Protection (UOP - Urząd Ochrony Państwa), Police Archives, Military Information Services (WSI - Wojskowe Służby Informacyjne), Polish Border Guard, Prison Guard, Ministry of National Defence (Ministerstwo Obrony Narodowej) and others. Most of those acquisitions were hasty and done without preparations, so the process of cataloguing and managing the files is still ongoing.



The “Sixtiers Museum” Collection is located in a small museum in Kyiv, Ukraine in a building belonging to the Ukrainian political party Rukh. Nadia Svitlychna and Mykola Plakhotniuk founded this museum as way of honouring and documenting the struggles of a cohort of Soviet Ukrainian dissidents during the 1960s-1980s. Included in the permanent exhibition are paintings, graphics, sculptures, embroidery and other artworks produced by artists affiliated with the sixtiers movement. The museum also displays the poems, letters and literary works of the writers in their midst, as well as their typewriters, handcrafted items made while in the GULag, or clothes worn while living in exile, like Svitlychna’s own camp uniform. Also figuring prominently are posters for events and exhibitions organized by this group. The guided tour is a moving, concise rendition of their struggle, aimed at the museum’s target audiences, young students, scholars, and the general public.
These materials depict the lives of a dynamic group of Soviet Ukrainians engaged in a principled creative and ideological struggle with the Soviet regime in the 1960s and 1970s. They were poets, artists, graphic designers, historians, doctors, and even a Soviet army official, all of whom became deeply involved in human rights activism under late socialism. Many were members of large Soviet institutions—like the Ukrainian writers and artist unions, the Literary Institute in Kyiv, the Soviet armed forces. The Soviet government’s ideological retrenchment after Khrushchev transformed these dissidents, who had worked hard to try and reform the system and make it more humane, into individuals in open conflict with the authorities.



A közel fél évszázada Korzikán élő magyar légiós veterán, Nemes Sándor az ezredforduló éveiben összeállított ’Légiós szótára’ jól tükrözi a Francia Idegenlégió soknyelvű, multietnikus és multikulturális világát – és benne a jelentős számú magyar önkéntes egyedi csoportidentitását. Mindennek megértéséhez elengedhetetlen néhány történeti adalék. Az 1831-ben Lajos Fülöp király által alapított Francia Idegenlégió máig jogfolytonos és aktív, mintegy 9000 fős haderőként erősen őrzi hagyományait, noha az 1960-as évek óta gyarmati hódító, megszálló sereg helyett mára főként nemzetközi békemissziókra, humanitárius és terrorelhárító feladatokra kiképzett elit-alakulatok hálózataként működik Franciaországban és a világ számos más pontján.
Különös paradoxon, hogy a Francia Idegenlégió – egy sor gazdasági, politikai krízis és háborúvesztés következtében – jó egy évszázadon át makacsul őrizte legénységi állománya németajkú (svájci, osztrák, elzászi, lotharingiai német, stb) többségi dominanciáját, ami jó időn át még vezényleti nyelvében és folklórjában – így eredetileg német indulóiban – is számos nyomot hagyott. Nem meglepő hát, hogy kivált az 1945 és 1956 utáni években, mikor a légiós toborzó statisztika több mint 4000 magyar újoncot regisztrált, mind jobban fölerősödött a magyar önkéntesek összetartása is, úgymond, ’a német maffiával’ szemben, amint azt Nemes Sándor és bajtársai is kiemelik emlékezéseikben. A szoros katonai hierarchiában, pláne háborús viszonyok között (Indokína, Algéria!) szükségképp rejtve így hát egy „kétfrontos” kulturális és identitásbeli ellenállás alakult ki a magyar rekruták körében: egyrészt a döntően francia és gyakran kihívóan fensőbbséges tisztikarral, másrészt a németajkú altisztekkel és tiszthelyettesekkel szemben. Mindezt tovább árnyalja, hogy a magyar önkéntesek (légiós ragadványnevükkel: a ’kicsik’, ’hunok’ vagy ’attilák’) maguk sem voltak egységesek kulturális és politikai csoport-identitásukat tekintve, hiszen a ’45 utáni „Horthy-huszárok’ és az ’56 utáni „Kádár-leventék”, még ha csak alig egy évtizednyi korkülönbséggel is, voltaképp két markánsan eltérő nemzedéket képviseltek. Az utóbbiak közül ez főként azok esetében tűnt ki, akiket a forradalom és a harcok gyakran kamaszként megélt élményközössége évtizedekre összekapcsolt, s akik, mint a provence-i magyar veteránkör tagjai, a legtovább éltették annak emlékét csoportos rítusaikkal (bankettek, koszorúzások, ’56-os relikviák gyűjtése és megosztása másolatban, majd a világhálón).
A fentieket Nemes Sándor Légiós szótárában főként a szerző előszava s a szótár 2-6. fejezetei illusztrálják számos további beszédes adalékkal. (Lásd: 2. Légiós argó- és jövevényszavak; 3. Beszédfordulatok, szólások, szállóigék; 4. Gyakoribb német jövevényszavak; 5. Gyakoribb arab jövevényszavak; 6. Az egyes nációk légiós gyűjtőnevei)





Rudolf Mihle (1937–2008) was one of the most important Czech amateur filmmakers. Some of his films were critical of the communist regime and society. Therefore, they were censored and could not be publicly screened. Mihle was an active member of the Czech Club of Amateur Filmmakers (Český klub kinoamatérů).