William Totok, born on 21 April 1951 in Comloşu-Mare (Romania) in a family of Danube Swabians from the Banat, is a writer and journalist, with an intense literary activity in 1972–1975 as part of the Aktionsgruppe Banat, a literary group considered subversive by the Romanian communist regime. During high school in Sânnicolaul Mare, Totok wrote and sent several unsigned letters to Radio Free Europe, criticizing, among other things, various aspects of Romanian society at the end of the 1960s. These letters were addressed to Cornel Chiriac, a famous journalist and radio producer, who had just emigrated to the Federal Republic of Germany, where he continued his very popular music show Metronom at Radio Free Europe. As a result of these letters being mentioned during some shows in 1969, the Securitate started looking for their author (ACNSAS, I 210 845, vol. 1, f. 32). After extensive investigations, Totok was identified as the author and interrogated by the Securitate, but he was not imprisoned. Subsequently, during his mandatory military service in Baia Mare (in northern Romania), his house was searched and a series of his poems were confiscated by the Securitate. He was again put under investigation for the letters sent to Radio Free Europe. The communist authorities chose to expose him publicly instead of sending him to a military court, at a time when the use of repressive measures was decreasing. His public exposure with a view to re-educating him took place in February 1971 in front of the entire military unit (ACNSAS, I 210 845, vol.1, f. 1).
William Totok was a precocious poet. His first poems were published by the magazine Neue Literatur in 1970. Totok was one of the initiators of Aktionsgruppe Banat, a group of unconventional writers whose literature was critical towards “actually existing socialism” (Bahro 1978), and took inspiration from Bertolt Brecht’s creations and the literature of the “Vienna Group” (Wichner 2013, 6). From a political point of view, they were supporters of neo-Marxism assimilated through readings from the works of the philosophers of the Frankfurt School. Starting from this ideological foundation, the group members delimited themselves from the values of their parents’ generation, marked by the remnants of the Nazification of the German minority in Romania in the period from 1939 to 1944 (Totok 2001, 14). The group was active from 1972 to 1975, when it disintegrated as a result of the repressive actions of the communist authorities. For his unconventional literary activity Totok was initially attacked in the local press, which labelled him as a “long-haired parasite” (Totok 2001, 14). The attacks in the press against the members of the group were aimed at reducing their increasing influence over the younger generation in Timișoara.
Through their intense activity, the group, which dominated the student literary circle called Universitas, drew the attention of the Securitate, which started to recruit informants from among those who attended the meetings. Even group members were targeted by Securitate, among them Totok himself. He decided to agree to collaboration with the Securitate, but to only divulge the information that the young writers wanted to convey to the Securitate and to inform the others about the actions of the secret police (Wichner 2013, 7). As part of this plan to manipulate the Securitate, Totok became a “source” for the secret police and supplied a series of pieces of general information which the Securitate officers considered without “operational” value. In Totok’s opinion, the organization in May 1975 of an anniversary meeting to mark three years of group activity including a public reading of a series of poems, whose title “Frantic applause from everybody” was an allusion to Nicolae Ceaușescu’s personality cult, was perceived by the Securitate as a provocation (Totok 2001, 26). The arrest of William Totok’s brother, Gunter Totok, in the summer of 1975, on the grounds that he had expressed critical opinions concerning the regime, gave the Securitate the pretext to search the family home in Comloșu Mare and to confiscate a series of writings by William Totok: his diary for the period 1970–1973, two notebooks of poems, letters, and a series of notes (Totok 2001, 30–33). However, as Totok mentions, these were not mentioned in the Securitate’s search minute as stipulated by the law.
In the fall of 1975, during a trip to Comloșu Mare, William Totok was arrested along with other members or sympathizers of the group, including Richard Wagner, Gerhard Ortinau, and Gerhardt Csejka (Wichner 2013, 7). Because Comloșu Mare was close to the Yugoslav border, they were initially accused of fraudulent border crossing. The investigation showed that the real reason for the arrest was different. The Securitate intended to accuse the arrested young writers of activities undermining the regime. The investigation focused on certain texts considered subversive because of the irony in the subtext aimed at Ceaușescu’s political regime, for example, a text by William Totok entitled Rumänisches Lied:Februar 1973 (Romanian song: February 1973) and Gerhard Ortinau’s poem entitled Die Moritat von den 10 Wortarten der traditionellen Grammatik (The street ballad of the ten parts of speech of the traditional grammar) (ANSAS, P 054927, f. 55). During the investigation, the local party representatives learnt that there were plans to raise serious charges against the writers. According to William Totok, because they wished to avoid complications which might have resulted from the conviction for political reasons of these already well known young writers, they asked the local representatives of Securitate to release them (Totok 2001, 47–48). The measure that the Securitate subsequently adopted was to destroy the group and to discredit it in the public eye by spreading rumours. Consequently, the arrested writers were released after around a week of interrogations. However Totok was arrested again in November 1975 because the Securitate considered him to be the most dangerous member of the group, most likely due to the letters he had sent previously to Radio Free Europe. He was subject to investigation over more than eight months and only released when newspaper articles about his case were published in the Western press (Iorgulescu 2006, 422). An article concerning the Totok case, published in the West German newspaper Frankfurter Rundschau in July 1976, mentioned ironically that a series of “ethnic Germans with Marxist convictions” were disturbing the “revolutionary peace of the ‘socialist’ state” (Totok 2001, 79). During the investigation, Totok was expelled from the University of Timișoara, probably because of pressures exercised by the Securitate.
Totok sent many petitions to the local authorities requesting to be allowed to continue his studies and to get back the manuscripts confiscated by the Securitate. In the end, he received most of his manuscripts in 1977, and in 1979 he managed to finish his studies in German and Romanian philology at the University of Timișoara (Totok 2001, 88–89). Gradually, William Totok resumed his literary activity.In 1977 he was present at the meetings of the Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn literary circle in Timișoara, where most members regrouped at the end of the 1970s. At the beginning of the following decade, Totok was even allowed to publish his first volume of poems, entitled Die Vergesellschaftung der Gefühle (The socialization of feelings) at the Kriterion publishing house in Bucharest, and to work in the German language media in Timișoara. Amid deteriorating living conditions and personal rights in Romania in the 1980s, William Totok decided to emigrate and left the country in 1987, settling in Berlin. Here he continued his writing career and collaborated with radio stations such as: Radio Free Europe, RIAS, DS-Kultur, DLF, and Deutsche Welle. Subsequently, he founded with Johann Böhm and Dieter Schlesak the online academic journal: Halbjahresschrift für südosteuropäische Geschichte, Literatur und Politik. He has published many volumes of literature, memoirs, and essays in Romania and in Germany. He was a member of the Wiesel Commission, which studied the Holocaust in Romania, and co-author of the final report of this commission. For his prolific literary, journalistic, and academic activity he has received such distinctions as the Leonce-und-Lena-Förderpreis (1987) and the prize of the Henning-Kaufmann-Stiftung Foundation (1989), and in 2009 he was decorated by the President of Romania with the Order of Cultural Merit as Officer.
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- Berlin, Germany
Jan Trefulka was born in Brno on the 15th May, 1929. After his graduation in 1948, he studied literary science and aesthetics for two years at the Faculty of Arts in Prague. He returned to university in 1953 when he again unsuccessfully attempted to finish his studies of Literary Theory and Czech Language at Brno. Jan Trefulka's professional life was very varied, including a working as a tractor driver (1950), a programme director of Dům umění (1954-1956), an editor of Regional Publishing House in Brno (from 1957), an editor (1962-1968) and later an editor-in-chief (1970) of Host do domu, a night watchman (1972), a binder (1973)ˇ, and writer without the guarantee of official publishing. Among the important activities he was also a secretary of the regional branch of Svaz československých spisovatelů, where he worked from 1964 until his dissolution.
Unusual, but significant for Trefulka´s life, was his double entry into the Communist Party, followed by a two-fold exclusion in 1950 and 1969. Trefulka´s critical approach to the Communist regime led him to sign the Charter 77 and to publish works only in samizdat or exile publishing houses. His novels O bláznech jen dobré, Zločin pozdvižení, Veliká stavba, Svedený a opuštěný came from this period. After 1989, Trefulka participated in literary and public activities. Between 1991-1995 he was Head of Obec moravských spisovatelů, and in 1992-1997 he was a member of Rada České televize. He was awarded the Egon Hostovsky Award (1983), the Brno City Prize (1999), and the Ladislav Fuchs Award (2009).
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- Brno, Czech Republic
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- Hamburg, Germany
Miko Tripalo was “par excellence homo politicus” (Josip Šentija). Together with Savka Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo was the most prominent figure among the Croatian communists in the reform movement known as the Croatian Spring - "The Man Who Symbolises '1971'". His political engagement is a paradigmatic example of the generations of Croats in the latter half of the 20th century who, from their initial commitment to the communist movement and the pursuit of its democratisation, ultimately "rejected the communist illusions and sent them into the dustbin of history."
Although originally from a wealthy family, Tripalo joined the Communist Party during the Second World War, since it was at the forefront of the anti-fascist struggle. After the war, he held many political functions. As the president of the youth organization in Croatia and both the student of youth organizations of Yugoslavia, he distinguished himself by his "broad-mindedness, openness and ability to gather and motivate people". In Zagreb, where, he had been working since the autumn of 1962, he introduced a new style of politics, and "democratised decision-making, involved young and educated people, and promoted vigour in cultural life." He thus gained a reputation as a reformist who became one of the most prominent Croatian politicians in the second half of the 1960s. In crucial year of 1971, Tripalo was a member of the Presidium of the League of Yugoslav Communists and a member of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) representing Croatia. Despite being touted as one of the potential successors to Josip Broz Tito, Tripalo took a stand at the forefront of the Croatian reform movement and remained consistent in his reformist views and demands for the crucial social changes. With a group of similarly reform-minded politicians, Tripalo linked the effort to democratise the social and political system with the restructuring of the Yugoslav federation, which would replicate the republics as equal federal states.
After the fall of Croatian Spring, he was dismissed from all posts and excluded from public life. With the introduction of democratic changes in the 1990s, he again became politically engaged (in the 1990s he was one of the leaders of the National Coalition of the People's Party and the Croatian People's Party, and in 1994 he was joined the Social Democratic Action of Croatia). From 1993 until his death in 1995, he was a member of Parliament. The five years of Tripalo's public activity prior to his death were marked by patriotism and principle; in public appearances, his commitment to "liberalism, democracy and anti-fascism" was characterized by clear and unambiguous stances; he criticised the controversies of daily politics in the same way he had done in 1971. He consistently advocated Croatia's independence, defending Croatian sovereignty, and warned that Croatia’s best defence was democratic development, promotion of equality and a better life of all of its citizens.
In April 1993, Tripalo participated in the establishment of the Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, serving as a deputy chairman . In November 1993, he became chairman of the board of directors of the Open Society of Croatia. When Tripalo died on 11 December 1995, the Human Rights Award of the Croatian Helsinki Committee was named after him. A constant of Tripalo’s overall engagement is his striving to reject ideological orthodoxy, applied equally to rigid communism and nationalism: "Based on his understanding of politics, there was a belief that only the democratic and national rights of citizens could lead society out of stagnation and inter-ethnic conflict."
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- Sinj, Croatia 21230
- Zagreb, Croatia
Dorin Tudoran (born June 30, 1945, Timișoara, Romania) is a Romanian poet, essayist, journalist, and prominent dissident. A resident of the United States since 1985, he is the author of more than fifteen books of poetry, essays, and interviews. Born in Timișoara, he attended the Mihai Viteazul High School in Bucharest, until 1963. He pursued his studies at the Faculty of Languages and Literature of the University of Bucharest, obtaining a B.A. degree in 1968. Tudoran made his literary debut in 1973 with a volume of poetry, Mic tratat de glorie (A Little Treatise of Glory). He was an editor at the journals Flacăra (The Flame) (1973–1974) and Luceafărul (The Morning Star) (1974–1980). From 1977 to 1981, he belonged to the ruling council of the Writers’ Union of Romania. Tudoran emerged from 1976 as one of those young authors who who were in conflict with the older generation of writers. In the early 1970s he had benefited from the relative relaxation of the regime to make frequent trips abroad, and thus was able to establish contacts with a number of employees of Radio Free Europe (RFE) and other Romanian exiles, which was to facilitate his later dissident activities. Tudoran’s dissidence originated in an internal conflict, which erupted during the Writers’ Union Conference in July 1981. Tudoran launched a series of polemical articles which exposed cases of plagiarism in works of writers from the group obedient to the party. He gradually evolved from his early views, restricted to problems of culture, to a critique of the communist regime. In 1983, Tudoran was the first dissident who radicalised himself to the point of asserting that arbitrariness of decision-making was part of the very essence of the communist system. Through his fellow dissident Mihai Botez, Tudoran acquired a channel of communication with RFE, which he used in the following years to propagate his views. In an interview which he granted to a Vienna-based correspondent of France Presse on 7 September 1983, Tudoran clearly stated that Ceauşescu’s regime constituted an absolute dictatorship, while the Party was reduced to a simple appendix to his personal rule. He also co-signed a memorandum, which Geza Szőcs initiated and addressed to the United Nations in order to draw attention to the violations of minority rights in Ceauşescu’s Romania (he was the first dissident of Romanian ethnic origin to do so). Nevertheless, Tudoran’s most important dissident text remains his seventy-page-long essay on the condition of intellectuals in communist Romania, Frig sau Frică? (Cold or Fear?). Written in early 1984, this essay was published in French in L’Alternative (co-edited by Mihnea Berindei), a periodical which closely covered the dissident movements in East-Central Europe. At that time, Tudoran’s work was evaluated as the most radical text of a Romanian dissident since Paul Goma. Deeming his situation in Romania to be hopeless after expressing such radical views, Tudoran decided to immigrate to the United States and submitted the appropriate application for his entire family to the US Embassy in April 1984. Although he was granted an entry visa in July 1984, the Romanian authorities denied him an emigration visa. To protest at his worsening situation, Tudoran went on hunger strike and wrote several open letters to Ceaușescu in which he explained his reasons for leaving Romania. He viewed emigration as a fundamental human right, seeing himself as a “political hostage” of a brutal dictatorship. An international campaign for him to be allowed to emigrate was launched. Coordinated by the League for the Defence of Human Rights in Romania (with the direct involvement of Mihnea Berindei) and RFE, this campaign was supported by a number of well-known Western writers, historians, and political scientists. He finally got an exit visa on 2 July 1985, due to the pressure of the US Congress, which was reviewing Romania’s Most Favored Nation status. After his immigration, Tudoran worked for a while as an editor for Voice of America (1987–1990). His most important achievement was the creation of the periodical Agora, which was devoted to the propagation of an “alternative” vision of Romanian culture. Published in Romanian, this journal attracted many Romanian exiles and became a notable cultural phenomenon within the Romanian community abroad. After 1990, he started working for the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), a Washington, D.C.-based organisation. From 2004 to January 2007, Tudoran was editor in chief of Democracy at Large, a publication of that organisation. He also served as Senior Director for Communications and Research at IFES. After the Romanian Revolution of 1989, Tudoran returned to Romania in 1990 as an envoy of IFES. He later worked as country director for the IFES office in Chișinău, Moldova. He helped launch two NGOs in the region – CENTRAS (Romania) and ADEPT (Moldova), and also served on their boards of directors. At present, Tudoran is a frequent editorialist, commentator, and analyst in a wide variety of international media outlets.
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- Bucharest, Romania